HTS’s Communication Strategy

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In this insight edition, we explore Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) during Syria’s transitional phase. The focus is on how HTS is redefining its identity, influencing audiences and positioning itself amid a historic political shift. 

Communication in transition

With Abu Mohammad al-Jolani, the head of HTS, entering the Syrian capital and announcing a historic victory, Syria reached a rare moment of both risk and opportunity. After years of repression and conflict, the country is now faced with the challenge of rebuilding trust, governance and social cohesion.

This transition period is of most importance; as much as it is about creating a vision for Syria’s future, it is also about defining the narratives that will accompany the transition. At the focal point of Syria's political development, HTS presents a case study in strategic communication: a movement rebranding itself to increase legitimacy, attract a wider audience and shape perceptions domestically and internationally. 

The focus of this article is on HTS's capacity to handle communication issues, develop inclusive narratives, and strategically position itself, as it balances its ideological principles with the practical requirements of government.

HTS and its role in post-Assad Syria

HTS has been working to transform its identity, seeking to redefine itself from a jihadi movement with roots in Jabhat al-Nusra into a locally focused force under Ahmad al-Sharaa’s leadership. However, its origins, affiliated with al-Qaeda until 2016, continues to shape how the organisation is viewed.

HTS has taken deliberate steps to distance itself from this past—an evolution that includes changes in its behavior on the battlefield and in governance, ceasing bombings in civilian areas and taking measures to protect minority populations under its control. 

Yet, this transformation is not without contradictions. On the one hand, HTS projects an image of inclusivity, while appointing minority representatives, permitting cultural freedoms and tolerating practices that would have been once unthinkable. On the other hand, its centralised grip on power and Sharaa’s rejection of federalism suggest that this inclusivity may be more strategic than structural.

The contradictions do not stop there. HTS’ past, characterised by executions, the suppression of dissent and ideological rigidity, has a lasting impact on its current position. None of these actions suggest that HTS has become liberal or democratic, but they do represent an effort to address the main issues that lead to its designation as a terrorist organisation. Whether these gestures show genuine transformation or a tactical rebranding effort remains an open question. 

This transformation also extends to its relationship with foreign actors like Russia. While HTS’s interim government initially called for Moscow to reconsider its military presence in Syria, subsequent statements and actions suggest a more pragmatic approach. The group has emphasised Syria’s sovereignty and independence, yet it remains open to discussions with Russia to ensure stability and manage the logistical complexities of a potential withdrawal—the relationship remains fluid. Russian naval vessels temporarily left their main Syrian port, but activity continues at key airbases like Hmeimim. 

Source: RFI

In January, Russian ships returned to Tartous amid reports of an anticipated withdrawal, highlighting the uncertainties surrounding Moscow’s future role. While having the appearance of a nationalist force, HTS seems to understand the strategic importance of balancing public sentiment against the realities of geopolitics.

However, one thing is clear: its communication strategy, rooted in this tension between reform and control, will play a decisive role in shaping internal and external perceptions and, ultimately, consolidating its position.

Influencing Audiences

HTS understands the importance of symbolism in a country in search of a new identity like Syria and the group has made calculated moves to strengthen its legitimacy, as well as humanise its governance. One example, is Abu Mohammed al-Jolani’s decision to drop his nom de guerre, associated with his jihadist past, and use his real name, Ahmed al-Sharaa, in official communications since just before the fall of Damascus—a rebranding that highlights al-Sharaa's efforts to redefine himself and HTS, as they transition from militant insurgency to governing authority. 

Source: BBC

Part of this strategy is appointing officials coming from minority groups, engaging directly with communities and broadcasting public appearances by al-Sharaa meeting orphans or attending graduations, to solidify the group’s narrative of inclusivity and project an image of solidarity with Syrian society.

Source: DW

HTS’s has also been trying to balance appeasing Islamist supporters and addressing secular or minority concerns. Allowing alcohol sales in Damascus while advocating for Islamic governance elsewhere shows a deliberate effort to create tailored messages and policies that diversify the audiences these deeds are directed to.

Conclusion

Syria’s future largely depends on the image the new leader will project of himself as a capable guide of the country. This will have to reflect outside the Syrian borders to attract foreign investments and build international credibility, as well as inside to gain support among wide constituencies and thus internal legitimacy to lead the country.

In this context, HTS’s role in shaping the country’s trajectory cannot be overlooked and how the group and its leader will manage its extremist heritage will ultimately impact on its ability to get long-standing foreign support.

Will al-Jolani's communication strategy match his deeds as a moderate country leader?

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